July 21, 2010
in Masalai
Abstract
In 1989 a group of disgruntled landowners from Panguna hosting the giant Bougainville Copper Mine embarked on a violent sabotage of mine infrastructure (May and Spriggs 1990, Connell 1991, Thompson 1992, Wesley-Smith and Ogan 1992). Many reasoned that the violence was a failure on the part of the company and the government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) to address outstanding landowner grievances. Chief among these grievances was the view that the original agreement that gave effect to the establishment of the Panguna Copper Mine project was due for review. This agreement was made while PNG was still a colony of Australia. But just as plans of the need to renegotiate and review the agreement were being swivelled through the political and bureaucratic machinery of the government and the company an undercurrent of inter-landowner tensions was swirling on the horizon. And before any amicable solution could be reached to defuse the situation the disagreements flared into a violent conflict between the landowners themselves and the company. It is widely accepted within post-conflict discourse that the tension and conflict was perpetuated by a combination of intergenerational differences between the elderly and young landowners and a range of different factors perceived by the locals to be the source of their exploitation and marginalisation (Okole 1990). This paper analyses these perceived causalities and how aspects of local cosmological reasoning can help us to understand the tensions that culminated in the violence.
The politics of inter-landowner tensions is complicated and this analysis does not have the space nor the ethnographic data to reveal the detailed chronology of events leading up to the eventual fracture between the landowners themselves. An encompassing and detailed investigation of these tensions would definitely require an extensive ethnographic investigation. Only such an investigation would adequately map the often divergent and conflicting sources of tension in the group dynamics of the landowners that eventually led to what became a full scale civil conflict.
The main aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the different causal explanations of the conflict. The analysis is centred on a dichotomy between post-conflict causal analyses and the existential experience of everyday life in the mine-impacted communities of Nagovisi and Nasioi. I argue that the concept and value of ‘post-conflict‘ in the subsequent proliferation of academic literature canvassing the conflict and its array of perceived causes is based on little substantive ethnographic data. While it is not easy to discretely separate the historical continuity of events into ‘post-conflict causalities’ and ‘pre-mine existential experience of social life’, an attempt will be made here in spite of the complications rather than in ignorance of them.
In 1989 a group of disgruntled landowners from Panguna hosting the giant Bougainville Copper Mine embarked on a violent sabotage of mine infrastructure (May and Spriggs 1990, Connell 1991, Thompson 1992, Wesley-Smith and Ogan 1992). Many reasoned that the violence was a failure on the part of the company and the government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) to address outstanding landowner grievances. Chief among these grievances was the view that the original agreement that gave effect to the establishment of the Panguna Copper Mine project was due for review. This agreement was made while PNG was still a colony of Australia. But just as plans of the need to renegotiate and review the agreement were being swivelled through the political and bureaucratic machinery of the government and the company an undercurrent of inter-landowner tensions was swirling on the horizon. And before any amicable solution could be reached to defuse the situation the disagreements flared into a violent conflict between the landowners themselves and the company. It is widely accepted within post-conflict discourse that the tension and conflict was perpetuated by a combination of intergenerational differences between the elderly and young landowners and a range of different factors perceived by the locals to be the source of their exploitation and marginalisation (Okole 1990). This paper analyses these perceived causalities and how aspects of local cosmological reasoning can help us to understand the tensions that culminated in the violence.
The politics of inter-landowner tensions is complicated and this analysis does not have the space nor the ethnographic data to reveal the detailed chronology of events leading up to the eventual fracture between the landowners themselves. An encompassing and detailed investigation of these tensions would definitely require an extensive ethnographic investigation. Only such an investigation would adequately map the often divergent and conflicting sources of tension in the group dynamics of the landowners that eventually led to what became a full scale civil conflict.
The main aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the different causal explanations of the conflict. The analysis is centred on a dichotomy between post-conflict causal analyses and the existential experience of everyday life in the mine-impacted communities of Nagovisi and Nasioi. I argue that the concept and value of ‘post-conflict‘ in the subsequent proliferation of academic literature canvassing the conflict and its array of perceived causes is based on little substantive ethnographic data. While it is not easy to discretely separate the historical continuity of events into ‘post-conflict causalities’ and ‘pre-mine existential experience of social life’, an attempt will be made here in spite of the complications rather than in ignorance of them.
Introduction
- This paper
is an analysis of the post-conflict explanations of indigenous dissent
that are primarily viewed as the object or catalyst for the mining-related conflict on Bougainville. I
use the term ‘indigenous’ loosely here to denote the communities impacted by
the Panguna mine. The four major explanations are presented through an analytic
discussion of the different views about the social origins of the conflict as
posited by various commentators and academics (Filer 1990, Ogan 1999, 2005,
Havini 1990, Griffin 1990, 2005, Tanis 2005) and my own interpretations of
indigenous cosmology as a person from Nagovisi, and partly as an insider who
lived on the island during the conflict. It looks at the different theories
about the origins of the Bougainville conflict and explores divergences in
notions of indigenous dissent – as informed by post-conflict literature and the
ethnographic conditions of social life before the mine.
The environmental destruction paradigm
- One of the
primary conceptual frameworks that have come to be accepted within the
post-conflict discourse of the origins of indigenous dissent and the
escalation of the Bougainville conflict into a bloody civil war is
environmental destruction (Havini 1990, Tanis 2005). This paradigm
attributes the origin of indigenous disaffection with the mining project
to severe environmental destruction. Scientific notions of the
‘environment’ and ‘ecological balance’ are seen as the primary causal
factors within this framework of thinking. This paradigm relies on notions
of political ecology where politics and economics are construed as the
primary factors in affecting environmental issues and is grounded in a
conceptual separation between nature and culture. This interpretation
eclipses any indigenous ideas of what constitutes the ‘environment’
socially and physically. In this framework the environment is equated with
the concept of ‘nature’ which is seen as measurable through science and
technology. The environmental destruction paradigm harbours a tacit
expectation about how humans should act with regard to their ecological
and social situation.
- During the
civil conflict between 1988 and 2001 the dominant debate between activists
and academics was largely defined by environmental destruction, economic
injustice and social displacement. Those who saw the indigenous violence
as outright militancy and lawlessness voiced their opposition to the
conflict by emphasising that the positive effects of the mine outweighed
the negative impacts. They argued that environmental destruction was at a
generally acceptable level given the kind of environmental and social
trade-offs that are expected in any mining enclave. However, environmental
and social activists like Francis Ona, Moses Havini (Havini 1990) and
others argued that the environmental degradation was so huge and so blatant
that it bordered on gross human rights abuses. The conflict could thus
only be explained and understood through recourse to a particular
knowledge of the environment. It did not bother either academics or
activists that their environmental and social concerns could have been
somewhat misplaced, despite their good intentions.
- To begin
with, the notion of the environment was virtually taken for granted as
having a universal definition and a common value throughout all the
communities impacted by the Panguna mine. It did not dawn on advocates of
environmental stewardship and accountability that their explanations for
the conflict might not have had the same cultural significations for those
local communities impacted by the mining project. This is apparent in
Applied Geology Associates’ (1989) investigation into the environmental
and social impacts of the mine. The notion of the ‘environment’ seems to
be theorised as a given without ethnographic scrutiny of what the local
cultural logic and the dynamics of the local disaffection might be. We
might forget that the scientific notion of ‘environment’ and its
commercial connotations are akin to its tangential cousin, the invented
concept of the ‘economic landowner’ (see Filer 2005). Local conceptions of
‘place’ might have been too readily accepted as equivalent to scientific
notions of ecosystems, ecological habitat and biodiversity. Even though
advocates of the environmental paradigms might argue that this is not the
case, their environmental arguments are framed in a way that eclipses how
local communities might have thought about their surrounding environment before
the mine started. The environment argument does not sufficiently account
for the profound and interconnected cultural, economic, and spiritual values
of ‘place’ within Nagovisi and Nasioi sociality.
- Moreover,
the apparent dominance of environmental destruction as the primary causal
factor for the violence became so obvious because the landowners
themselves aired their grievances through that language. The language of
the environment became the only language through which the Panguna
Landowners Association (PLA) communicated their concerns to the company.
Even more so, it could be argued that both the PLA and NPLA achieved their
organisational and political effectiveness by essentially adopting
non-indigenous political, legal and administrative forms. This is a
pervasive phenomenon in mineral extraction localities throughout Papua New
Guinea. Crook (2007) alludes to a similar experience among the West Ningerum
people near the Ok Tedi Mine in the Western Province. When negotiations
failed and the sabotage of mine infrastructure was started by disgruntled
landowners the reasons for their wanton destruction were commented upon
and justified using the languages of environmental destruction and social
injustice (Okole 1990).
- When the
causalities of the violence are primarily explained in terms of
environmental destruction and social inequalities other possible reasons
for the conflict become subjugated to these limited causal factors. For
instance, there are many accounts of stiff resistance by landowners from
Panguna during the commencement of the mine because the project site was
connected to important local myths (as in other mining sites in PNG
McIntyre and Foale 2007, Dundon 2002, Clark 1993, Biersack 1999). There
are several versions of these myths. According to one, the project site
where the initial overburden removal started had a huge stone which served
as an abode for the spirits. Among these spirits was a revered tall
spirit, playing a bamboo flute, who had powers which could enable him to
take the form of living beings. The different tunes from the bamboo flute
had significant cultural meanings. A particular sorrowful tune was an ill
omen that something bad was approaching such as death while a blissful
tune would indicate that something good would happen, such as a good day
for a feast in which the spirits play a crucial role in stopping the rain
that might otherwise interrupt and mar the occasion. Other versions of the
myth have this stone as the home of a huge spirit snake.
- Clearly,
the account of this myth illustrates how the notion of the ‘environment’
extends beyond the concept of ‘nature’, embracing the spiritual domain in
Melanesian societies (Namunu 2001). It illustrates the analytical problem
associated with the Western conceptual separation between nature and
culture and between materiality and spirituality (see Strathern 1988).
Such a separation overshadows culturally significant sources of tension
which have the same generative capacity to engender indigenous
disaffection with the mining company. The obsession with environmental
pollution as the primary reason for the mine sabotage and its premature
closure also fails to take into account what Joel Robbins calls
‘linguistic ideology’ (Robbins 2001:600). Terms, phrases or words cannot
be understood or readily translated unless there are mutually intelligible
meanings for such concepts, words or phrases. Environmental explanations
for the conflict tend to assume that local communities have similar
cosmological notions and concepts of the ‘environment’ as those who have
written about the mine-related conflict. But there is reason to doubt that
there is a universal understanding of the environment (Kirsch 2006), and
to doubt the easy identification of foreign and Bougainvillean concepts.
- This is
evident in the fact that while downstream communities experienced the
worst effects of mine-discharged effluents into their land they were not
as vocal about the pollution as the villages within the Special Mining
Lease areas in the vicinity of the Panguna Copper Mine. In fact there is a
substantial population of Nagovisi people along the Jaba River toward the
Empress Augusta Bay in the South West coast of the island where the Jaba
River finally releases the toxic tailings into the sea. There is no
ethnographic evidence to suggest that Nagovisi and Nasioi people lamenting
this deployed a notion of the ‘environment’ which depended on scientific
conceptions of ecosystems, biodiversity, environmental protection and
sustainability. This observation does not diminish the damage to the river
system as a result of the mine’s riverine waste-disposal system, but
rather attends to how this was interpreted locally. Thus I highlight how
limiting causal explanations of the conflict to scientific concerns and
conceptions of the environment potentially occludes important indigenous
cosmological, aesthetic and spiritual concerns as causes of local
disaffection with the mining operations.
- The
inverse logic of the environmental destruction argument could be
interpreted as saying that if there had been strict environmental
monitoring and controls the conflict would have never eventuated. Hence
there would have been no demands for the ten billion kina compensation by
Francis Ona and his band of disgruntled landowners. With a minimal and
insignificant environmental footprint there would have been no reason for
hostility towards the company from the landowners and thus the expression
of such hostility would be irrational. The absence of such hostility and
overt disaffection would entail that the local communities were happy with
the mining operations and its derivative benefits.
- So,
environmental causality unnecessarily privileges scientific and
technological knowledge. It views the environment as mechanistic or having
intrinsic machine-like properties which could be effectively
operationalised through a conceptual understanding of the world on the
model of a machine system (Crook 2007). This argument and mode of
reasoning posits that it is perfectly acceptable to operate the mine so
long as the environmental impacts can be minimised, managed and mitigated
through technology. But this skewed reasoning places an unwarranted emphasis
on environmental controls and corporate social responsibility while the
real sources of local contention and disaffection get minimal to no
attention. This reasoning represents the partial view of well-meaning
outsiders (and probably insiders too) whose ‘cultural blinkers’ keep them
from seeing that multinational corporations are not always altruistic and
do not necessarily have the welfare of the local people at heart. Although
the discourse of corporate social responsibility projects an image of
sound and responsible business practice, in reality it is not, but rather
an inherently political process in which inequality and power struggles
are foundational.
The mine-induced social disruption paradigm
Panguna Pit Lookout
- This
erroneous proclivity to theorise about the environment as ‘sui generis’
is dispelled by Ogan (1999) who worked as an anthropologist among the
Nasioi people well before the commencement of the Panguna mine. Ogan
started his ethnographic fieldwork in 1962 in the Aropa valley among the
Nasioi speakers of Kieta who are linguistically and culturally related in
many ways to the Nasioi landowners of Panguna. Ogan stressed that during
his fieldwork he noted resistance from local communities to any idea and
mode of doing things deemed external. He substantiates this claim by
alluding to the local disaffection with the colonial administration. The
Nasioi were unhappy with the colonial administration’s land-grabbing
tactics which saw the clearance of large tracts of their land to establish
coconut plantations in the area whilst concurrently relying on local
labour for the plantation’s productivity.
- But Ogan
does not attribute the local disenchantment to any particularities such as
alterations to the environment or the landscape. He does not mention any
laments about environmental destruction or concerns with how the huge
coconut plantations altered the aesthetics of their surrounding landscape.
It is however plausible that the reasons for the resistance to the
colonial administration were due to concerns about the appropriation of
large tracts of land and the disruption of kinship and customary exchange
obligations through the introduction of new forms of labour. Those who
worked in the plantations had to leave their hamlets to work in the
plantation, often living away for protracted periods of time without
returning home. Being absent from their village or hamlet for long periods
would have been disruptive to social life because village life was where
local practices apropos land tenure, exchange obligations and continuity
were the strongest and most powerful.
- Unlike
Ogan, academics like Filer (1990) attribute the origins of the conflict to
an inevitable social fission that is somehow intrinsic to Melanesian
sociality. Filer posits that any form of social conflict within Melanesian
societies is an outward symptom of structurally embedded social norms. It
posits that Melanesian societies are intrinsically conflictual or
centrifugal and are always on the verge of disintegration. And so any
social conflict, whether it be a small family or inter-tribal skirmish is
not significantly different from a resource-related conflict as large and
violent as the Bougainville conflict. Moreover, this view suggests that
social disruption and conflict within Melanesia is an integral part of the
regeneration and reproduction of social life. Filer (1990) argues that the
Bougainville conflict was nothing less than a ‘social time bomb’ that was
bound to explode given the appropriate time and circumstance. The problem
with Filer’s view is that it reifies Melanesian societies as bounded
entities, albeit with social fission as the ordering mechanism of
sociality at their core. His view not only neglects the permeability of
cultural borders but glosses over the existence and deployment of local
cultural resources to defuse internal tensions and settle conflicts.
- This
explanation of ‘social disruption’ is intricately related to the existence
of mining operations and their resultant environmental effects. They are
posited as mutually constitutive or if not, articulated within a cause and
effect framework. This is akin to saying that mining is intrinsically
disruptive to social life and by its very nature has a natural proclivity
to cause violence and conflict. This mode of reasoning again is reductive.
It provides an artificial, monolithic characterisation of local social
structures and relations by reducing a complex configuration to a single
teleological origin. This view obscures the array of complex and multiple
pre-mining social configurations and the culturally and cosmologically
informed social relations and dynamics of the local communities. Where the
‘social disruption’ argument is not sufficiently convincing in its
correlation with ‘environmental destruction’, ‘social disruption’ is
presented as a combination of the dual effects of economic and
environmental marginalisation. Therefore this view, like the
‘environmental destruction’ paradigm discussed earlier, fails to offer a
sufficient account of causality from an indigenous cosmological worldview.
Both these views reflect a questionable premise, a presumption that
indigenous peoples’ relation to the mine can only be explained in terms of
‘environmental destruction’ and/or ‘social disruption’ which are directly
attributed to the mining project.
- Making a retrospective assessment of Filer’s ‘social time bomb’ theory within the current framework of resource relations, one can now argue that Filer’s view was perhaps too pessimistic. Despite his qualifications to his argument that this would only be plausible if all things were equal, the presumption of a direct causal correlation between extractive projects and indigenous dissent was evident in his views (Filer 1990: 76). In hindsight, his argument could be taken to be similar to the proposition that all extractive enclaves would end up with social disruptions similar to Bougainville somewhere through the project life cycle. Filer even suggested a possible timeframe of 15 to 20 years to predict the likelihood of potential social disruptions due to resource extraction occurring in other resource enclaves throughout the country. But assessing his assumption in light of recent developments and how local people use their cultural resource to negotiate the maze of complex resource relations around mineral development sites debunks his ‘social time bomb’ theory. The litigation against Ok Tedi mine by Yongom landowners is a case in point (Kirsch 2006). Indeed, no one has the predictive powers of what the future holds in terms of the economic and social relations between local communities and the various players in the mineral extraction industry.
The unequal benefit distribution paradigm
- When it
comes to the economic dimension of the causality of indigenous
disenchantment with the Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), the inevitable
time-worn cause imputed has always been the unequal distribution of
benefits. In this case benefits refer to all forms of compensatory
payments and the various infrastructure projects funded by the company
under its different commitments. In fact the initial formation of the New
Panguna Landowners Association (NPLA) headed by Pepetua Serero and Francis
Ona was said to be a result of differences and disagreements over the
existing benefit distribution system (Okole 1999: 20). The disagreement
between the PLA and the NPLA is principally characterised by economic
differences which trace their roots to the existence of the mine. Any
pre-existing social differences, traceable in their origins to clan and
lineage disaffection between members of the two entities (PLA and NPLA)
would thus have been occluded or eclipsed by explanations about peoples’
divergent relations to the mine and disputes about unequal benefit
distribution.
- The issue
of unequal benefit distribution is real. I do not contend that issues of
unequal benefit distribution or environmental injustice are trivial. They
are not. But as important as these factors are, assuming the unabated
primacy of benefit distribution inequities and environmental degradation
as causes subsumes alternative ways of analysing the origins of the
conflict. A simplistic total attribution of compensatory disparities as the
principle source of contention among the landowners themselves and with
the company does not sufficiently account for the causality and chronology
of the conflict. How would we know if there were longstanding kinship
fractures and/or a more recent meltdown of kinship obligations if we
solely attribute the disaffection in terms of the variables linked to the
mine which have been discussed thus far? How would we know if there might
have been differences among the people in indigenous conceptions of place
if everything about the conflict is explained as due to the mine? Such
explanations fail to ask questions or theorise pre-existing social
structures and relations. How would we know if local social contentions
might have originated in the failure in indigenous exchange systems and
mechanisms as a result of the colonially reconfigured environment? For
example, what happened when assets such as large sums of money and
expensive consumer goods entered traditional exchange systems which were
not configured to handle them? I believe these are valid questions, but
questions to which we would not be able to find satisfactory answers by
concentrating our analytic focus only on economic, environmental and
political explanations which fail to capture indigenous cosmological
conceptions of exchange, conflict, violence and fairness.
- The
argument concerning economic disparities of benefit distribution is
similar to the social disruption argument in that it overshadows local
economic inequalities among the landowners themselves. Research conducted
by numerous academics within communities impacted by mineral resource
development has provided substantive evidence that mining-derived benefits
hardly ever create social cohesion devoid of hierarchy (MacIntyre and
Foale 2007, Filer and MacIntyre 2006). The Panguna experience is no
exception. Even before the conflict began, there were already feelings of
hostility and animosity as a result of the real and perceived disparities
in income distribution (Okole 1990). The eventual fracture in kinship
relations between landowners was vividly demonstrated when Mathew Kove, a
vocal member of the PLA and a maternal uncle of Francis Ona, was murdered
by members of the NPLA. This happened before any acts of serious
sabotage of mine property by the disgruntled members of the NPLA.
- The issue
of unequal benefit distribution is only a partial explanation of mining-related
conflict. To fully understand the correlation between benefit distribution
and community grievance it is important to understand the underlying
principles of reciprocity. We cannot make sweeping generalisations about
inequalities in benefit distribution without understanding local ideas of
reciprocity and fairness. For example, communal ideas of sharing and
kinship obligations to be mindful about the social situation of ones’ kin
rapidly changed with the introduction of cash – which suddenly meant everyone
felt they did not have enough. Before the mine it was appropriate for
people to kindly refuse a bag of taro or sweet potato if they felt they
had sufficient supply. With the introduction of cash and new consumer
goods the value people placed on sufficiency eroded. Suddenly cash in the
form of royalty and compensation payments became an object at once
desirable but always in short supply. Money as a medium of exchange became
dissonant from the idea of local sufficiency because, unlike taro and
sweet potatoes, even the wealthiest of landowners could not tell the
company they had sufficient money. The general point here is that the
introduction of cash and modern goods created a new form of tension
between reciprocity and sufficiency that did not exist in the pre-mine
days.
- At the
core of the notion of ‘benefits’ is the underlying assumption that it
would generate an alternative source of livelihood in place of the land
that is lost due to mining operations. The problem with this conception is
that the net effect of mining in rural areas of PNG extends beyond
tangible aspects of livelihood. Ethnographic research into mining enclaves
has demonstrated how large mineral resource development projects affect
the intangible elements of social life such as indigenous belief systems and
values. Such an economistic notion of benefits cannot rectify or redeem
the reconfiguration and loss of these intangible beliefs and values.
- Unfortunately,
the dominant paradigm of reasoning with respect to the different kinds of
mining-related benefits has been primarily in terms of transactional
exchanges modelled on business. These business-oriented transactional
explanations rarely acknowledge pre- mine transactional relationships and
the kind of cosmological values people might have attached to pre-mine
systems and mechanisms of economic and social exchange. These forms of
explanations are thus predisposed to a reductionist view of more complex
social phenomena. In the book Resource Development and Politics in the
Pacific Islands Jackson vividly articulates such complex problems
(Jackson 1992: 79).
- The lack
of equal benefit distribution is also almost always connected to the lack
of appropriate governance systems and mechanisms. It is additionally
blamed on the lack of capacity at the various levels of the state’s
administrative machinery, and the local leaders’ inability to mobilise
their constituents in ways that reflect the new economically and socially
reconfigured environment. Jackson argues that a single basic cause that is
predominantly evoked in this paradigm is that the ‘underlying problem of
mining in remote areas is assignable to the greed of mining corporations’
(Jackson 1992: 79). At the core of this argument is the view that unequal
benefit distribution is a result of corporate greed, arrogance, and the
lack of sound corporate social responsibility policies and practices by
mining corporations. There is some kind of expectation that all
‘stakeholders’ – whatever that word really means – must be consulted. As
Subhabrata Bobby Banerjee argues, the consultation process is an area that
needs much attention (Banerjee 2007: 33).
- To
summarise, I find that unequal benefit distribution informed by economic
theories of wealth redistribution does not have sufficient explanatory
power. Perhaps the strongest reason is that, in the case of benefit
distribution, the explanation fails because it does not account for how
resource rents could have been redistributed through traditional exchange
systems like mortuary feasts and other customary obligations.
Inventing the economic landowner
- What is
true for both Nagovisi and Nasioi is that the relationship between humans
and land was never conceptualised in terms of the ‘landowner’, whereby
ownership had economic and property connotations (Filer 2005). The notion
of the landowner has proved a difficult and ambiguous concept to define in
mineral resource relations because land ownership as a conceptual category
does not have traction in the minds of those who occupy the economic and
social sphere outside the benefit distribution scheme. In the case of
Panguna the notional concept of the ‘landowner’ clearly does not predate
nor pre-exist the mining operation. Nowhere is this so succinctly
illustrated for the Nasioi and Nagovisi than in the example provide by
James Tanis, the current President of the Autonomous Region of
Bougainville, who before the conflict was a ‘landowner’ and a compensation
recipient from BCL. In this particular case Tanis alludes to his
experience when he first heard the word ‘landowners’ in the 1970s as a
primary school student (Tanis 2005: 462). He humorously relates this to
when he initially heard the word ‘landowners’ from his father when they
were on their way to Panguna. The word does not have a semantic and
conceptual category equivalent in the language of Nagovisi and James’
father had difficulties pronouncing the word. This was similar for new
words like ‘lease’; many affected communities misconstrued it for the
English words ‘rich’ or ‘dish’ thus drawing their own conclusions that
they were all going to become rich or receive huge dishes stashed with
cash from the mine.
- Another
reason why the conceptual category of the ‘landowner’ is ambiguous and
problematic is because it imposes an order that is foreign. The semantic
ascription and definition of the word does not fit the lived experience of
the people in question. What brings about this conceptual conundrum is the
fact that companies often see a situation framed in terms of rigid
scientific facts and concepts whereas the social realities of communities
in which these companies operate are characteristically in flux and fluid.
However, I would extend Jenkins’ emphasis further and argue that in many
cases mining companies co-opt locals into framing their situation using
scientific modes of reasoning and operational efficiencies in dealing with
local communities despite the glaring social incompatibilities between the
indigenous and foreign systems (Jenkins 2004). In the mining context,
concepts such as ‘landowner’ and ‘land ownership’ are loaded with
preconceived concepts of corporate logic and the rationality of scientific
development. These value cost-benefit analysis, numerical accuracy, (e.g.
fixed amounts of compensation, fixed schedules of compensation payments)
and measurable outputs from the effects of their operation (e.g. x number
of classrooms funded and built by company or x number of permanent houses
built for impacted communities).
The political secession paradigm
- The final,
rather ubiquitous attribution of the causes of the conflict by some
observers finds its justification in the political history of Bougainville
Island. This view highlights the reconfiguration of political boundaries
through colonial contact. According to Griffin (2005: 72) this view was
entrenched primarily among educated Bougainvilleans. Griffin notes that
some Bougainvilleans have a view that the province was once under British
control and only became part of Papua New Guinea (PNG) because of some
form of exchange or what Griffin alludes to as a ‘trade-off’ between Great
Britain and Germany. Griffin further argues that this view is misguided
because the province was never a colonial subject of Great Britain, either
as part of PNG or Solomon Islands. The notion that Bougainville was always
different from mainland PNG in terms of its geographical and political
boundaries is anchored on this premise. In Griffin’s earlier depiction of
the colonial encounter he posits that this ‘early contact experience of
Bougainvilleans tended to entrench a sense of difference between
themselves and other Papua New Guineans’ (Griffin 1990: 5) At the height
of the conflict, this view would become the political ammunition of choice
for political activists despite the lack of direct correlation between
mine-related landowner grievances and political secession.
- In fact
this scenario of political secession attained a nominal cultural hegemony
in a society that has no history of a shared, island-wide cultural
practice (Griffin 1990). According to Griffin, the only indigenous imagery
that offered a sense of ethno-nationalism is the ‘mungkas’ – a
Southern Bougainville Buin dialect word meaning ‘black’ which presumably
might have led to a sense of being different and a degree of distantiation
and alienation from other Papua New Guineans. To complicate matters there
was even a study by a team of biological and medical anthropologists in
the 1970s measuring skin complexion and pigmentation of the islanders
using the DermaSpectrometer (Friedlaender 2005: 58). This was done with a
view to answering the question of how uniquely black Bougainville people
were. Even more so, Friedlaender’s article titled ‘Why do the people of
Bougainville look unique?’ published in 2005 goes on to boldly pronounce
that ‘we (the researchers) do not know of any darker groups’. At one
point, Friedlaender cites Douglas Oliver’s work where Oliver refers to
Bougainville Island as the ‘Black Spot of the Pacific’ (Friedlander 2005:
58, Oliver 1991: 3).
- Furthermore,
the paradox apropos the political secession issue is that during the
initial stages of the conflict there were hardly any threats of political
severance from PNG by the two conflicting landowning groups if their
demands were not met. To a large extent, the idea of political
independence was dropped as a bombshell only after the PNG government
deployed security forces in an already escalating violent situation and
when it became apparent that the conflict could not be contained via the
coercive use of force. Therefore political independence as a justifiable
explanation of the conflict is highly debatable. The social history of
political aspirations for modern forms of governance is very recent, and
in most cases is not synchronous with the chronology of landowner
grievances. Moreover, there is no ethnographic evidence revealing a
historical continuity of landowner grievances tied to demands for
political independence. Of course some people might argue otherwise,
citing incidences of pre-independence riots that resulted in Bougainville
being granted the Provincial Government status before Papua New Guinea’s
independence. What the proponents of this view do not say is that the
pre-independence riots were ideologically driven, elitist projects. Their
origin was based on ideas of economic and political development and had little
to do with the majority of the people in Panguna, let alone the Nagovisi
communities severely impacted by the mine tailings. The political
secession paradigm imposes a monolithic view of Bougainville that does not
fit with pre-mine social divisions and later configurations in the
mine-impacted communities.
- A critical
analysis using the model of political self-determination also fails to
provide a substantive explanation of what induced the widespread community
fragmentation and differences of opinion regarding independence among
Bougainvilleans in general and amongst the landowners themselves. It
portrays an alleged unity emergent from the extreme social fragmentation
that was transcendently evident throughout the conflict. The depiction of
unified pursuit of self-determination creates an artificial image of
amicable social relations when in fact the entire conflict evinces
compelling evidence of social relations gone awry. Perhaps political
independence is among the highly vaunted causes for the conflict on the
island because it seems to offer an overall explanation to simplify
complex events, as argued by Jackson (1992).
Conclusion
- Throughout
this paper I argued that the conflict between Panguna landowners and the
mining company (Bougainville Copper Limited) is immensely complicated. I
have emphasised continuously that reducing the locus of indigenous
tensions to an a priori set of mine-generated grievances does not
adequately account for the reasons for the conflict. I have also argued
that an encompassing analysis of the conflict is one that draws on
insights from local cosmology. The primary question the analysis has tried
to address is how can the sources of indigenous disaffection be theorised
without generating a reductive analysis that unnecessarily privileges some
causes over others? Clearly the paper is about how the conflict had
multiple causes. They were not just multiple in the sense that the
conflict had complex origins but also in the sense that different people
tended to offer different explanations. This paper is no exception.
Moreover, I hope my analysis does not yield a view that we must ‘choose’
one explanation as ‘the explanation’.
- The juxtaposition between causal explanations that trace their origin to the existence of the mine and its negative impacts illustrates how imported concepts like landownership can be easily misunderstood where there is a lack of conceptual equivalence in local experience. What I have also tried to argue is that the life-world of mine-impacted regions operates according to pre-existing systems of cultural logic. We cannot fully comprehend how and why the conflict eventuated without understanding such local logics.
Photo Credits: Fiona Hukula
- Retrieved from:
the Masalai Blog (http://masalai.wordpress.com/2010/07/21/post-conflict-explanations-on-the-bougainville-copper-mine/)
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