These youths, mostly were the unemployed and often jailed men in society of the then economically booming North Solomons Province. They were the ones, so often running around the urban centres of Central Bougainville, like the Panguna mine sites, Arawa or Kieta looking for opportunities to earn or commit crime to make ends meet.
So when the Panguna peoples began to protest against the mining operations, they took that opportunity as the 'way out' from personal problems and a means to earn respect in society. Those men who had brave hearts joined the militancy and those, who feared the PNGDF as a modern force, fled into the jungles or entered the safety of the carecentres.
A Bougainville militant in action
Through careful analysis of the chronological stages of the crisis, I should give light on the developments around 30 March 1990 (the first Ceasefire). By the dawn of the ceasefire, the number of men who actually left the jungles under the name of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, were more than the number that actually fought in the jungles.
Who were these extra persons now on the streets of Arawa or Panguna in 1990? Was Ona able to control them? What were their intentions?
The fighting BRA of 1988-on were tiny bands of men mostly from the Panguna and Kongara areas. The BRA that came out to light during the ceasefire weeks, was more than what that actually engaged in the fighting months.
The new men came from the bushcamps, care centres and villages. They were not involve in direct fighting. They enrolled into the BRA list with contrasting interests or, they were there in the light of 'gains of war'. Thus, the late Francis Ona or his commanders lacked that capacity to control the mass of ever conflicting interest.
From this scenario, we move into the Bougainville Peace Process that began around 1994 from the initial Arawa Peace Conference of October 1994 or further back.
The timeframe, the recent experiences of 1990-91 and admittance of their own lack of power is what most Bougainville political leaders did not take into consideration when designing the peace strategies for Bougainville.
The period from 1990 to 1997 (when active peace negotiation began in NZ) was not long. The persons involved in the crises then, were still around. Also, their culture of opportunity-rush as did happened in 1990-92 over properties non-Bougainvilleans left and fled, was still fresh and, where leadership was concerned, Bougainvilleans were not united. There was Ona, there was Kabui or Sam Kauona.
BRA men also, were made of autonomous factions. Southern Bougainville did not take orders from Central Bougainville to operate so, this should have showed that there was a need for a period of time for leadership to take control. Or a direct intervention force was a need to execute justice for war crimes and to disarmed the man by force.
All these, problematic characterisations were avoided and the peace was signed as if Bougainville trouble free or, as if the leadership had the prowess or power to control the people.
A Peace Ceremony in Panguna
As the Bougainville peace process came into existence or leaped towards momentum, the old ignored 'self' of the Bougainville society took life. Worst, because it was money that was the medium of peace making and not the pacification of the hearts and minds.
Peace by peaceful means was promoted or forgive and forget, to name a few, was adopted. What the leaders denied was that, these approaches were introduced and foreign to the Melanesian psychological world view. Pay back and so on are Melanesian concepts, thus suitable way of conflict resolution for Bougainville was that 'justice should have been done' by force.
Autonomous BRA or BRF made peace as they see suitable with the leadership behind them because they were the men who fought for freedom. Generally, I should say that Bougainvilleans manipulated the peace system to gain personal desired results; not for the betterment of Bougainville.
I, for one, had my father killed during the crisis by the very ones who have their signitures on the Bougainville Peace Agreement and many other documents relating to the peace effort, but not one of them like Ishamael Toroama, looked back and said, ' Hey, there is that family that my men victimized'. Not one of them.
Reconciliations took place between people who had power or prestige at that time; or between those, that considered each other as a means of possible threat.
The underlying sorrowful yokes on many of us who have fell victims to the crisis were ignored. Marginalised people, in a sense that they did not took part in any known combat operation, were no bodies. Without seeing that the power of mind is so lethal a weapon.
Thus, the curse is the abuse of the Weapons Disposal Programme, criminalisation of the power to terrorise the birth of a civil society and law and order problems that is now paving the way for warlords like Chris Uma and Ishmael Toroama, who intermittenly fight each other causing setbacks on progress.
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