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Sunday, 16 June 2013

Bougainville Manifesto 4: People and the Panguna Mine


Leonard Fong Roka

On loose sand Bougainville was founded by colonization when Papua New Guinea had it attached to its tether for a hike as its source of finance to fund its independence.
 Most written literature, known so far, of the pre-independent Papua New Guinea era, points out that the Solomon Island of Bougainville was the backwater in terms of development and progress. Apart from Bougainville, Papua New Guinea was progressing with cocoa-copra plantation, timber, rubber, coffee, cattle and so on as Bougainvilleans remained locked outside the doors or was an exploitation garden for planters and missionaries.

But the desire for independence for the Papuans and New Guineans brought Bougainville to the world. Bougainvillean wealth was attractive to build the Papuans’ and New Guineans’ dream country. The new country that the United Nations was pushing the Australians to create so needed money for its strength to survive globalism that was undergoing globalization.

Thus, as Ian Downs’ 1980 book, The Australian Trusteeship: Papua New Guinea 1945-75 (page 340) puts it: ‘The discovery of copper in Bougainville in 1964 was the greatest single event in the economic history of Papua and New Guinea. It was a giant step towards independence’. Papuans and New Guineans were celebrating that are massive resource for them were not on their land but in the distant Solomon Islands.

The poor Bougainvilleans that were so occupied with the economic activities of plantations and missionary activities were in the dark with the drastic development plans happening on their island for the benefit of the New Guineans and Papuans in the colonial administration buildings of Port Moresby, Kieta and Sohano Island.  

So the point was, as Martin Miriori’s 1996 article, Bougainville: A Sad and Silent Tragedy in the South Pacific, puts it ‘Panguna became one of the largest opencast mines in the world, and the only source of finance for Papua New Guinea's independence. In essence, Australia gave Bougainville and her people as an independence gift to Papua New Guinea’.

And with a Bougainvillean populace made scare coats consciously, the Panguna mine was a revolution that showcased the lethality of changes in the eyes of the indigenous people and sprouted the energy on them to strive for their self determination in order to save their land and culture.

The Panguna mine project, according to Divine Word University Faculty of Arts’ Bougainvillean Associate Professor Jerome K. Semos, PhD, was a four-phase affair of colonial coercive slapping on the people of Bougainville since the 1960s.

In an emotional early-May 2013 presentation that saw a few young Bougainvilleans in tears entitled, Empirical and Historical Analysis: The Bougainville Conflict and the Sovereignty Implications for Bougainville, PNG and the Pacific Region, he highlighted that the political history of the evolution of the Bougainville conflict was a four phase stagger for the Solomon people. Bougainvilleans suffered and struggled for 27 years under colonialism, self-governing and independent Papua New Guinea and Conzinc Rio Tinto (CRA) and BCL since 1963 to 1990.

The first phase of the four, according to this Bougainvillean academic, reigned from 1963 to 1970. In this phase, ‘a policy of colonial lack of interest (by state and CRA/BCL) to local consultation and participation led to early struggle or conflict by resource owners over state rights and ownership of resources, and over unfair mining and compensation agreements.

‘Resource owners were convinced they had ownership rights to both surface and subsurface resources; the colonial state policy said otherwise. The mine was considered the economic life blood for PNG’s drive towards independence, hence the strong arm approach to getting it into production quickly. The BCL mine was built on one policy alone [upheld in the House of Assembly in those days]: ‘Masta I tok, Tok I dai’’.  

Foreigners walked over Bougainvilleans with their greed. But Bougainvilleans were not that stupid for they stood up for their rights. As noted by Donald Denoon in his 2000 book, Getting Under the Skin: The Bougainville Copper Agreement and the Creation of the Panguna Mine (page 64) that ‘by the end of 1965 landowner resistance had brought prospecting to a standstill, and in February 1966 the administrator transferred Bill Brown to Kieta…to get the prospecting going again’. The administration was desperate for the mine thus employed every man and strategies to suppress the Bougainvilleans and exploit their land for the good of foreigners.

The second phase took off from 1970 to 1975. In this period, ‘The resource conflict, including compensation and beneficiary concerns over the BCL mine developed into a popular secessionist (self determination) struggle. Came September 1, 1975—15 days before PNG’s independence—Bougainville unilaterally declared its independence from PNG and Australia.

‘But that proclamation of statehood was rejected outright. PNG needed the mine and there must be a way of keeping a vital mine as well as having some control over the mine’s financial benefits. So to this, PM Somare extended a viable political deal to Bougainville leaders and people’.

Bougainvillean stocks of oral history claim this period as the most brutal and unbearable pain for the people. Strangers and strange cultures were brought in by the BCL and PNG and that was destroying their life adding more pain of watching their land turning swiftly to bare rock and dust. Thus the only survival way available the missionaries thought them was independence.

Independence was the only measure to save Bougainville resources for its own people; save the environment for own use and management and for advancement for Bougainvilleans which then Australia was pushing for Papuans and New Guineans at the cost of Bougainvilleans.

The third phase took off from 1977 to 1985. In this phase it is known that ‘Secessionist conflict and struggles evolved into limited autonomy for Bougainville, established through the introduction of a provincial government. However, the North Solomons Provincial Government (NSPG) was unable to establish a direct negotiation with PNG Government and BCL with respect to the 1974 Bougainville Copper Agreement (BCA) negotiations. Therefore, the BCA lapsed without being re-negotiated in 1981.

‘Again resource owners and the NSPG were left out and frustrated. Again the BCL mine was blocked off temporarily to force PNG government to agree to resource owners and their NSPG be included in the BCA negotiations’.

Sadly for the Solomon people of Bougainville, PNG was clever enough to fool them in order to rob them off their wealth. In their cry to be involved in the negotiations of the BCA that outlined the breakup of how the benefits of the mine should be distributed, PNG denied them by giving them one of the worst system of powerless provincial government system not worthy for a struggling people for their rights; or by creating bodies to fetch locals some wealth but these were bodies governed by corrupt officials.

And PNG was not interested with Bougainvillean concerns for their survival and development for its interest was money from Bougainville’s Panguna mine and plantations.

The last phase ran from 1986 to 1989. In this phase, we glean that for ‘Twelve years of inaction by the NSPG, 25 years of state apathy and BCL’s passing the buck, which led to continual struggle and conflict, plus the irrefutable loss of a subsistence lifestyle forced resource owners to revolt against the state and BCL.

‘Faced with security problem the BCL mine closed down; many workers and population left Bougainville and thereafter a local rebellion advanced into a Bougainville-wide secessionist rebellion and civil war.

‘Independence for Bougainville’ has made its second coming, but this time, it came at enormous costs to Bougainville and PNG.

‘PNG faced with serious financial crisis partly attributed to the demise of the profitable BCL mine. Bougainville was completely blocked off from the rest of PNG and the region [by Australia and PNG]’.

Letting the Solomon Island people of Bougainville sleeping and waking up every day in pain thus shaped a populace that cannot stand any longer to the lies of PNG and BCL.

Thus when Bougainvilleans took violence to shut the mine and fight for independence, PNG and BCL ran out of their creativity of fooling them.

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