Leonard Fong Roka
There is a war of words around the recently passed Bougainville
Mining Law 2014. Yet this means Bougainville has now its own mining law to deal
with mining in Bougainville. But mining is a controversial issue on
Bougainville since the 1960s. For Bougainville it had sparked a crisis that has
cost Bougainville much loss of lives.
And observing the whole conflict of protest over the
Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) creation of this law on mining and the
critics, both sides has a good reason for argument but again all sides has ambiguous
problems within where PNG is the catalyst.
Of course Dr. Jerry Semos 1997 James Cook University
doctoral thesis, Natural Resources,
Nasioi Society and the Colonial and Post-Colonial State in Papua New Guinea:
The Mining and the Undermining of Resource Sovereignty and Resource Development
in the Bougainville Copper Project 1963 to 1990, stated that ‘In 1964, an
Australian mining company, Conzinc Riotinto of Australia (CRA) came to
Bougainville, uninvited.’ This forceful entry was legalized by the cruel
Bougainville Copper Agreement (BCA) of 1967. And this tragedy on the Solomon
Island people of Bougainville culminated in the death of 15 to 20 thousand
innocent Bougainvilleans since 1988.
Because of this ten year destruction and bloodshed the world
saw the need that politics should streamline to accommodate Bougainville and so
the state of PNG allowed for the PNG-friendly Bougainville Peace Agreement
(BPA) of 2001.
And the current criticism of the new Bougainville Mining Law
should be all thrown at the BPA. Analysis of the BPA would show that
Bougainvillean leadership gave in too much to PNG liking and this is the
obvious leadership characteristics of the key leader the late Joseph Kabui that
had one notable weakness of not hurting others and his desire to maintain
positive relations with all.
In the whole peace process of Bougainville, every step under
taken blessed or empowered PNG and did not value the suffering of the Solomon
people of Bougainville that Dr. Jerry Semos’ work (above) rooted it to 1963.
In the 1990s article, Bougainville:
A sad and silent tragedy in the South Pacific, a notable Bougainville
leader Martin Miriori wrote:
On 16 September 1975, Papua New Guinea
obtained independence from Australia. Bougainville's pleas for the people to be
allowed to exercise their right to determine their own political future were
ignored. Panguna became one of the largest opencast mines in the world, and the
only source of finance for Papua New Guinea's independence. In essence,
Australia gave Bougainville and her people as an independence gift to Papua New
Guinea.
Bougainvilleans were a piece of object
given to PNG by Australia to exploit it and finance their independence!
This throwing of Bougainvilleans everywhere
firstly evolved in 1886. A Raspal S. Khosa, in his University of Adelaide 1992
thesis, The Secessionist Crisis,
1964-1992: Melanesians, Missionaries and Mining, highlighted the
Anglo-German Declaration of 1886 has halving the Solomon Islands into two
spheres of influence between Britain (south islands) and German to the north.
But the Anglo-German Convention of 1899 actually got Germany put Bougainville
under its total authority with the German New Guinea that in 1975 began PNG.
PNG knows all these chaotic experiences
of the Bougainville people that tuned them to struggle for self determination had
disturbed their psyche and progress. Since the 1960s the victimize islanders
then had the CRA threatening their existence with the Panguna mine to fund the
development of PNG; foreign planters took massive land areas to run their
plantations and gave nothing back to the people.
All these chaos ended in the armed
crisis since 1988 and clearly PNG had no power to handle that and Australia, in
the name of regional stability had to back PNG to starve the Solomon Islander
rebels without any rights on their island out.
With the support of small Pacific
countries, especially Solomon Islands and Vanuatu promoting Bougainville cause
overseas, peace process began slowly developing simply because PNG, as the 2010
Anthony Regan’s book, Light Intervention:
Lessons from Bougainville, saw that the conflict that was supposed to be
its internal crisis but was turning internationalized and PNG would lose
ownership of Bougainville.
Peace prevailed on Bougainville not
because of PNG (generally the PNG army was a sitting duck on Bougainville and
it was Bougainvilleans who were fighting and killing each other) but because
Bougainvilleans saw the need to end the conflict by their known phrase, ‘peace
by peaceful means’ and worked towards a lasting political settlement for their
future.
But PNG took an upper in the peace
negotiation once again to disrupt Bougainvilleans right to self determination
which they had fought and died for. PNG was not willing to support them and let
them freely march into independence but enforced challenges upon the
trouble-torn people.
Personal experiences of leaders who had
participated in face-to-face negotiations with the PNG and others since the
late 1990s towards developing a lasting peace process had shown PNG was always
barking wildly at Bougainvilleans demanding them to do-this-and-do-that.
Such anti-Bougainville-independence
culture of PNG led to the challenging three pillars of the Bougainville Peace
Agreement signed in 2001. These three pillars of the peace agreement are:
Autonomy, Referendum and Weapons Disposal. And all these pillars and their
associated terms and conditions seen from broad empirical analysis of the
history of the Bougainville people’s struggle for self determination, are
irrelevant and disrespectful.
In the Light Intervention: Lessons from Bougainville, Regan (2010: 59)
wrote:
This strong sentiment was a factor in
the PNG government negotiations with parties sometimes arguing for limited
roles for not only the UN and the PMG, but also foreign advisers to the
Bougainville leaders. Such arguments were a source of tension, as the
Bougainville leadership in generally supported expansive roles for the
international intervention, and strongly opposed any suggestion of interference
by [PNG government] in relation to sources of advice utilized by Bougainville.
PNG was not in to address the injustice
faced by Bougainvilleans under PNG but was out there to undermine them from
their rights despite obvious anti-PNG sentiments on the table. With this PNG
also put harsh criteria on the three pillars of the peace agreement. It is
known throughout Bougainville PNG was not willing to sign the Bougainville
Peace Agreement (BPA) till it was given a veto power over the outcomes of the
referendum in Paragraphs 325 to 328 of the BPA.
PNG criteria that were bullied on the
non-reckless political leaders of Bougainville were that Bougainville must be
weapon free, economy must be self-sustaining and autonomy government must be
functional and so on. But this, especially with economy, is irrelevant where
PNG was financed by Bougainville resources and now it is time for PNG to
compensate the Solomon island people of Bougainville.
Again the PNG plan was captured by Light Intervention: Lessons from
Bougainville, by Regan (2010: 127) that:
The logic is that in the 10 to 15 years
from the establishment of the ABG in 2005, the PNG government has the
opportunity to work closely with the ABG to promote all forms of development in
Bougainville in a way that could be expected to encourage Bougainvilleans to
consider the possible merits of remaining a part of PNG when it comes time to
vote in the referendum.
All PNG government activities on
Bougainville, like the classical Peter O’Neill tour of Bougainville in January
2014, are part of this PNG strategy to undermine the Bougainville people’s right
to freedom.
And under this cruel challenge ABG is
struggle to create laws like the mining bill to test its functional capacities
as a government to carry Bougainville forward as PNG wanted. ABG has to have
the money to finance itself as ordered by the PNG state; Bougainville has to be
weapon free so that people are not intimidated to vote against integration to
PNG as it is planning for with all its undermining of the authority of the
Bougainville government.
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