By Leonard Fong Roka
Bougainville is part-and-puzzle of the Solomon chain of islands in the South Pacific, but, enslaved by the impacts of colonialism under the rule of Papua New Guinea which, is in fact one of the big but unstable democracies in the Oceania region.
Since the 1960s, Bougainvilleans resisted the rule of Papua New Guineans and the development of the Panguna Mine in Central Bougainville that, as Bougainvilleans should say, was purposely built to finance the newly independent state of Papua New Guinea and its ‘Redskins’ (Bougainville’s term for Papua New Guineans). As, one of Bougainville’s political icons, Martin Miriori wrote in 1993, that Bougainville and its people were Australia’s independence gift to PNG.
The resistance was there, but the uncreative Papua New Guinea leadership ignored it, by offering the people of Bougainville the provincial government system, that I should refer to as puppet-like in nature. It just did not satisfy the Bougainvillean desire for progress; but instead, brought harm and relegation to the natives. Squatter settlements, crimes against the natives and denial of access to economic and social benefits pouring out of Bougainville developmental projects like the Bougainville Copper Limited was unbearable, as I saw it.
Bougainville Militants
That long history of intimidation by Papua New Guinea was released from the hearts and minds of Bougainvilleans in late 1988 in the form of armed confrontation. The late Francis Ona, as I remember toured a couple of places in the Kieta district, in the early months of the year, telling the people that, things were seriously wrong with the Panguna mine and the Landowners. One of these meeting places was Piruana Sub-Parish, east of Arawa where my father attended and later was talking about it.
Beside Francis Ona’s campaigns, there were also various little groups that were holding meetings, in finding ways to eradicate the posing threats by the Redskins of the slums that encircled the town of Arawa and all urban centres. Matau’neri Naving was one that my father was in, and the list goes on. This group was based at Piruana, as well. But, its operations were done by legal means, that is, they were pressuring the Provincial Government to address the issue of concern.
All these resistance movements were autonomous in their actions, timing and approach. But, the significant factor behind them was that, Bougainville allowed them to happen, though, they had no central leadership; but had common ambition and inspiration from early secessionists, like Father John Momis (now ABG President) at the heart.
So, how actually the crisis started in 1988? As I have already stated, the crisis was sparked and intensified by a number of independent incidents that were not actually, political.
The protest marches and declaration of independence for Bougainville in 1975, was all planned and executed by leaders like Moses Havini from Buka, Michael Aite from Paruparu and many more with the backing of popular figures like John Momis and Leo Hannet, from or at the village of Dupanta in Onove just west of the Panguna Mine that was marked with feasting. After this gathering, they then marched through the Panguna mine and Arawa and also ended up declaring independence on the 1 September 1975.
Ten years later in 1988, two weeks before the Francis Ona’s walk out from the BCL-PNG-Landowner meeting at Panguna, just below the Dupanta village, the Tumpusiong valley people were protesting against the uncontrolled tailings disposal, though the tailings pipeline was just completed. This protesting people were led by local politicians, Wendelinus Bitanuma and Martin Miriori.
The Tumpusiong protesters brought all BCL equipment (that regularly station and work on the tailings river banks) from their resting areas along the Kavarong River (Java to Whiteman) and assembled them blocking the Panguna-south Bougainville highway at Kavarongnau, which was the home of the brothers, Martin Miriori and late Joseph Kabui.
Whilst, all these were going on at Panguna, areas around Aropa, Toniva, Kieta and Arawa on the east coast, were struggling with the squatter settlers, not regularly, but spontaneously. Thus, all these uprisings had no common binding factor. Not centrally controlled, in terms of leadership.
Francis Ona, after walking out of the Panguna meeting immediately left for the jungles saying, ‘well the war has started’ upon hearing the Tumpusiong protesters struggling with police led by Commander, Luke Pango.
So, the war started, but without any managerial strategies to guide the whole operations; where to stop? Who to recruit to fight, and so on was not prepared for. Thus, any abled man entered, that is, migrated to the Panguna area to join the militants’ movement. The ‘good’ and the ‘bad’ went in to fight.
All small bands of men from all over the Kongara area joined in, in support of the Panguna people with their cause. But most of all, young men got involved out of anti-Redskinism that for so long had kept them imprisoned in their own land.
This was well demonstrated at the killing of Redskin settlers at Lake Momau in the Tumpusiong’s west. Here, a young girl offered herself for sex to be spared, but, a shotgun barrel was placed into her vagina and a shot fired by the Bougainville rebels.
Anti-Redskinism and the Panguna mine conflicts (actually, family originated) combined together and gave birth (resurfaced it) to nationalism and the fight to attained Bougainville independence. But, as I saw it, the issue of independence came in because there was wide spread support to the militant activities and the complete withdrawal of the PNG government in 1990 that was followed by the blockade of our island.
Leadership was the problem. Francis Ona lacked the charisma of politically influencing and controlling, first his fighters, then the Bougainville people. He denied them by hiding from them at his Guava village.
Immediately, after the 1990 ceasefire, his loyalist barricaded his village and kept him guarded. To see him, people have to cross checkpoint after checkpoint. Or, witch doctors have to screen you if you had good intentions to see the ‘Founder’ as he was called, then.
He was not allowed, for unknown reasons to be in the public places. Thus, we the Bougainvilleans who thought that freedom was now at our disposal, were now lost. Lost because the figure, Francis Ona who the society saw as the liberator of our island was now hiding for no one reason.
Power of keeping law and order was nowhere to be felt on the streets of Arawa and the Kieta area as are whole. Ona kept secret in his mountain home of Guava. The society reached chaos, during the weeks of the first 1990 ceasefire signed by Sam Kauona and Leo Nuia.
What was happening, in terms of leadership? Immediately, after the ceasefire all the militants were ordered to station at the Panguna Township. They did just that, ate in the BCL mess facilities and ordered to protect all properties. Accept, Ona and certain BRA seniors were given ex-BCL cars to use for their operations.
But, just after a few weeks of order, Francis Ona, gave orders to remove all BCL cars and other things of value to him, to his Guava village. Conflict erupted. BRA men from other areas saw these developments and began to grab whatever, that was of interest to them, especially cars. When possible gains of war were depleted in Kieta, they went on to other districts, like Buka Island in the north. Bougainville was now out of control and the leader was not prepared for the outcomes of his own actions.
A period of warlords was born. Each BRA commander ruled his own men based on their respective village areas, outside from the Panguna. No one was in Panguna for it was deserted as men began to pursue their own interest.
In fighting amongst the BRA groupings was also present. A well known incident was the killing of the Bazaar-Brothers in 1991. Here, 7 brothers from Kongara, who were the first group to capture Police weapons, were rounded and killed at Camp 5 along the Port-Mine access highway.
The reason was power struggle. Ona was not there for the men who had sacrificed defending his mission.
Each BRA commander was his own decision maker and implementer. To this, the innocent Bougainvilleans lost their lives as the anarchy spread like fire. The then, united Bougainville was gone—divided by greed, terrorism and disorder.
First published version link: http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2011/07/how-the-bougainville-freedom-movement-broke-down.html
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