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Sunday, 22 July 2012

Sovereignty & self reliance versus colonial development


MARTYN NAMORONG

NAME A COUNTRY that does not depend on foreigners? Answer: probably none
Martyn Namorong

The so called developed world is very dependent on the third world, as they like to refer to the rest of us, for natural resources.

A country like Ivory Coast produces about 50% of the world's cocoa but it would be much more expensive for the Ivorians to export chocolate to the developed world because the developed world would prefer that the Ivorians remain inferior.

That is what development really looks like folks.

Thirty-seven years on since so called independence, I empathize with the frustrations of many Papua New Guineans who see what's wrong with the current model of 'development'. What it is very good at doing is perpetuating dependence.

Ask yourself when your country will be free of aid dependency not just from other countries, but also from Churches and NGOs. Wanem taim bai yumi sanap long tupela leg blong mipela? [When will we stand on our own two legs?]

What most Papua New Guineans aspire for is national sovereignty and self reliance. The reason we're not achieving this is that we're using what I refer to as the dependency model of development.

What it does is to create the perception that Papua New Guineans are an inferior people who need outsiders to come and solve our problems. Which is why a lot of our Big Men with Big Egos speak like weaklings with major inferiority complexes.

Religion created the perception that a foreign god was superior to the local masalai.

Christianity told people that the sacred lands of Jews were superior to the sacred lands of Melanesians. People were told to accept the all powerful Jewish masalai over the Melanesian masalai.

Religion told people that they were in the dark and needed to come to the light.

And so the story of the subjugation of our Papua New Guinean ways began.

Many of those colonists, whether religious colonists or secular colonists, may have been decent people trying to do what they saw was the right thing.

But what they did was to create the cargo cult mindset that persists today in the form of expecting the government, foreign aid agencies, and foreign investment to sort out our problems.

All this does is undermine national sovereignty and self reliance by ensuring that the drivers of PNG's so called development agenda are foreigners. As soon as communities expect foreign companies and aid agencies to built infrastructure and provide basic goods and services, they hand over their future to foreigners and are no longer in control of their destiny.

The practical implication of this is that instead of communities working together to address their local issues, they wait helplessly for handouts. Over the past 37 years, many communities would have built themselves classrooms, aidposts, roads, airstrips and the rest but it seems they've been waiting for memba, gavman, kampani long kam wokim dispela samtin [MPs, government, companies to do these things].

Anyone with a rational, objective, scientific mind would look at the experience of outsiders failing to deliver and question the rationale for engaging with them or expecting solutions from them.

Everyone sees the problems around them but, when they think of solutions, they think of working with a system that, by it very nature of disempowering people, has failed to deliver so called developmental outcomes.

The root of the story of Development in Papua New Guinea was when some black bush kanakas were told that they were inferior to Europeans and needed to "develop".

They believed that story and still do to this very day. This is despite the fact that many of those bush kanakas own land unlike most landless Europeans.

For landless Europeans, economic growth and job creation are important so they can work in order to pay their bank loans. This landless European model followed by much of the West is not necessarily applicable in PNG.

Yet, everything Papua New Guineans have been taught from primary school to university is based on a type of society where people are essentially landless peasants.

The idea that yu nid long skul gut na kisim wok [you need schooling to get work] is European. Many young Papua New Guineans are being 'trained' for an economic reality that does not exist - skul pepa blong yu skul pepa nating [your academic education is worthless].

It's stupid to train landed people (landlords) to be peasants. It's disempowering and borders on deliberate sabotage of a nation and its people.

I'm not saying that we should start going back long taim blong tumbuna [to the time of our ancestors]. What has to happen is that we recognize that there are unique differences between Western and Melanesian societies. We're not landless peasants who need economic a growth for job creation.

What is most appropriate is to create the conditions necessary for Papua New Guineans to work their land, make a profit and pay taxes to the government.

PNG's national government is supported largely by money made by foreign mining companies. The implication of this is that the miners and foreign exploiters have greater political capital than Papua New Guinean citizens.

The people of PNG need to change this economic reality by contributing revenue to the government. This is national sovereignty and self reliance, as opposed to ‘Development’ where outsiders determine whether you get improved schools and healthcare or they get "improved investment environment" such as tax holidays for miners.

Perhaps if we follow the path of national sovereignty and self reliance; our children will have a different answer to the question I asked at the beginning of this essay.

Sourced from: Keith Jackson & Friends: PNG ATTITUDE (http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2012/07/sovereignty-self-reliance-versus-colonial-development.html)

Saturday, 14 July 2012

Personal Views on Papua New Guinea


Leonard Fong Roka

People who so love this country call it ‘the land of the unexpected’. Of course, considering it today, I see that this phrase is really true in all aspects of PNG’s daily existence.
PNG flag (worldatlas.com)

PNG is truly a land that even its own citizens and politicians just cannot predict its next move; unstable I believe are Australians also about the future of their buffer state steaming at a stone throw up north.

It was the post WW2 anti-colonial movements that exerted pressure on Australian leadership that granted independence to PNG. I think so often that, the 1930 economic depression and the impacts of the world war had a sequential experience to Aussies how painful it was to manage a vast empire. Australia, being a former member of the British Empire knew the fall of its master.

Thus, in the unpredictable climate of the Cold War, Australia was so swift to rid itself from a large land area of Papua New Guinea that ought to be costly if war broke out.

On the PNG side, again the politicians were excited by the anti-colonial movements across the globe where people fought or struggled to form their own states rather than being kept as possessions by the colonial powers.

PNG leaders fall in love with this and missed out the fundamental business of creating a state of ‘oneness and order’ for the future betterment.

From my viewpoint, PNG politicians—and we know who they are—neglected education, that is, a real Papua New Guinean system of education. A education that would turn its citizen know themselves, know their land, know their history and so on. Instead, leaders adopted a system that created a citizen that does not appreciate themselves as a unique Pacific islander.

Rather than concentrating on developing a PNG oriented education or I should call it the ‘foundation building process’, PNG ran for economic development; a development that was capitalist and ‘miraculous’ but exploitative and suppressive.

With fast-money at hand from the Panguna mine in the Solomon island of Bougainville and Australian aid, PNG by-passed the basic rule of development: ‘THINK BIG but START SMALL’.

Equality of participation and ownership of development across the country that would have being energized and created by down-stream processing was ignored because of the capitalist one-big-project approach to power the whole economy.

This foolish drive is all backed by DEMOCRACY! So PNG went purely democratic and forgot its Melanesian values. These were the values that empowered the people to exist on their island of New Guinea long before the European infiltrators and liars arrived on their land.

All these, created migration (of course was created earlier by the colonial administration) of people in search of opportunities of employment and good living that created such things as the Bougainville crisis.

Bougainville crisis, on the other hand is a justified case because Bougainvilleans are Solomon islanders thrown off from their place by colonialism. Thus, they have the right to irredentism or nationalism. They had being suppressed and exploited for the good of Papua New Guinea for far too long.
Happy Bougainvillean

But in PNG where there are hundreds of conflicting cultures, turning back to the past need powerful leaders like the one in Fiji that are able to stand the sting of democratic beasts, that is the power system of the world so centered in the western interest of exploitation.

In our country of systemic and systematic corruption, I wonder if things will be fine, for the time for change is fast fading. We cannot say that problems are signs of positive change as the Europeans did. Europeans developed when the world’s natural resources were plentiful.

Today resources for development had being depleted. Maybe, by the time PNG’s politics reaches maturity and stability, all gas or gold will be gone to the Asians.

So, my Bougainvilleans think.

We will not alone survive on Melanesian Ways; or western capitalism and liberal democracy, but a marriage of all these concepts or ideologies.

Change must start now or it will never and we will fuck each other attached to the tether of Europeans when our vital natural resources are gone.

I will be gone by then, but I am worried for my children’s’ future.


Friday, 13 July 2012

Future Targeted Creations for Pacific Leaders


Leonard Fong Roka

We are Pacific islanders, and that must be respected by all across the globe. We have problems that are not so difficult and time consuming if we could only look back to our Pacific Ways. But, we turn to disrespect who we are and look up to European social, political and economic systems and thoughts thus we face the worst problems.

Today, relegation of our people is not locked to Europe but the culture is here with us. It is promoted by our own educated politicians and bureaucrats. We don’t have to look far for the culture of Pacific against Pacific subjugation.

In our Pacific, we have a few people that just cannot face the negative consequences of suppression and exploitation from strangers. They strife to uphold their long established territorial integrity and sovereignty inherited from their apical ancestors.

Here are our bravest people who are struggling to preserve their divine rights over their culture and land:

New Caledonia

New Caledonians or Kanaks suffer under France that cannot let them go because of its imperialistic self-preservation and to maintain its presence in the Pacific.

France ambition to hold onto New Caledonia is not for the good of the Pacific Islanders but rather for its western interest and that is unethical behaviour in the eyes of our Pacific Ways.

West Papua

West Papuans face suppression and exploitation from Asians in Indonesia. They are struggling to save their land and identity.

Lives have being lost and still they are being killed by the Asians for their effort to deprive these Melanesians off their rights and land.

Current leaders of the Pacific ignore them for they are not 'true' Pacific men; rather, they are leaders with Pacific men with European arseholes! They don't have people in their hearts but money and glory.

Bougainville

Bougainvilleans are Solomon islanders yet Papua New Guinea educates it citizen to call themselves New Guineans against the UN backed various RIGHTs clauses like the Indeginous Rights.

They have fought and lost 15 000 people in a 10 year conflict. Despite this, PNG still disrespects them through unrealistic legal tethering like the Terms of Referendum instead of admitting its responsibility of abusive rule of the island.

As the future leaders, these are our people and we need a collective Pacific effort to free them once and for all;for, every human being has the right to enjoy life even at the hour of death. So does West Papua, New Caledonia and Bougainville must be free from the bondage of the 'wolves under sheep coating'.

Bougainville’s Keyboard Politician


Leonard Fong Roka

It was in 1997 at the age of 19, I first openly announced at Arawa High School whilst doing Grade 7 that I wanted to be a politician. This was leaked out amidst the student body.

With that dream I reached Hutjena Secondary School in 2001; passed out in 2002 and went to the University of Papua New Guinea. At UPNG, I was really involved into politicking with fellow Bougainvilleans, especially students from Buin in South Bougainville, as a way of gossiping about our home and its problems.

I unofficially left UPNG in 2004, and was grounded at home in the Tumpusiong Valley of Panguna doing nothing but boozing and running after women. I was known for boozing and women and nothing good for my life.

In 2005, for the first Bougainville election for the formation of the autonomous government I was appointed the Returning Officer (RO) for the Ioro Constituency (Panguna), which was a job that had some significant impact, to my political thinking.

As a RO, my mere political thinking and talking at UPNG in 2003 was fueled a bit further as I was directly exposed to politicians. Working beside the District Administration that was responsible for the Bougainville’s 2005 election, I at least, got some insights into the pros & cons of politics in action.

From 2005 on, political fantasying for Bougainville was a daily affair that got my head aching every day. I did not have any person to share my thoughts with, but regularly before 2008, I had my blood relative the late ABG President Joseph C. Kabui to share with.

Once, at the Buka’s Kuri Village Resort, I was telling him that he and his fellow politicians had done a mistake by not granting powers to foreign forces to get rid of weapons from Bougainvilleans by force where necessary.

He just gave me general positive and negative consequences of such an act alongside what he claimed as more favorable weapons disposal program already in place.

Well, that’s then and now here I am at Divine Word University playing politics in the cyberspace.

My lecturer in Asian Influence and PNG Foreign, Bernard Yegiora, once stated to me that, ‘we don’t have a voice so this is where we voice our thoughts’. He was referring to my political posts in Facebook and my blog.

As early as 1997, I had that burning love for Bougainville politics. In fact, I often joked to my friends that I will be the first president of the Republic of Bougainville then. Whether, I will realized that or not, that’s human nature; the art of struggling between reality and fantasy.

Divine Word University, of course, get be into the Face book and the creation of my own blog. Actually, I began writing articles—mostly on Bougainville issues—to Keith Jackson & Friends: PNG ATTITUDE in 2011.

Months after I created my own blog after coming across the PNG’s controversial blogger Martyn Namorong’s The Namorong Report.

With my little writing skills, I had written and publish in my blog and even Facebook regularly.

Around me, seemingly Face book is some cordial chatting medium, but some of us had engaged it to push our political interest or dreams through post or linking our blogs into Face book.

Yes, as Bernard Yegiora, said we bloggers and writers don’t have a position in power to spill off our thoughts to create policies in the legislature, so we make use of the Information Technology (IT) to spread our views.
We seat in our rooms in silence and write; our fingers do the job and not our mouths, as a parliamentarian does. But, we have a dream.

In regard to my Bougainvillean writings and thoughts, some boastful and greedy person would jump at me and say that I have the solution to the conflict; sorry, I am a writer and I try to create a scene to make my fellow Bougainvilleans to think, recall and love their past, present and try to design their future.

I am not a solution, but a dreamer for my Bougainville to be for Bougainvilleans; they had died for that, and why not!

My written words are the spices a Bougainvillean needs to add onto his solution menu for our island and its problems. They are not to be rejected, for us as Bougainvilleans—from every works of life—need to contribute and collectively we built a better future for our children.

I, as a keyboard politician, will never succumb to criticism; a keyboard politician must share his dreams for the betterment of our Solomon island of Bougainville.


Thursday, 12 July 2012

LOOK BACK: PNG 'plan to kidnap Miriori'


Wednesday, November 3, 1993 - 11:00

By Norm Dixon

The Bougainville Revolutionary Army has claimed it has uncovered a Papua New Guinea Defence Force plot to kidnap the Bougainville Interim Government's representative in the Solomon Islands, Martin Miriori. Miriori has been the Bougainville people's link with the outside world.
Martin Miriori & daughters (Photo: gluckman.com)

At noon on October 26, the Solomon Islands Field Force (police) stopped PNGDF commandos trying to cross illegally the sea border between PNG and the Solomons. The incident came a day after the BRA announced that its intelligence operatives had uncovered the plan to kidnap Miriori.

Miriori's ability to relay news from within Bougainville has enabled solidarity activists in Australia and other parts of the world to mobilise opinion against PNG military activities on the island and highlight the devastating effects of the blockade. In recent parliamentary debates, PNG politicians have called for Miriori to be hung or shot.

Meanwhile, the PNG occupation forces on Bougainville are reported to be in crisis. The BRA claims that PNG soldiers have run out of rations due to lack of funds and are now being fed together with refugees at PNG government "care centres".

Radio Free Bougainville has reported that people at the centres are unhappy because the soldiers are eating their already inadequate food supplies.

On October 28, BRA intelligence reported that two of the Australian-supplied Iroquois combat helicopters were grounded at Wakunai due to lack of fuel, spare parts and experts to service them.> n

From GLW issue 121

Retrieved from: Green Left (http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/5294)

Wednesday, 11 July 2012

LOOK BACK: Kabui: 'Independence for Bougainville remains the goal'


Wednesday, February 11, 1998 - 11:00

By Norm Dixon

Independence from Papua New Guinea remains the goal of the Bougainville people, according to the vice-president of the Bougainville Interim Government (BIG), Joseph Kabui. Kabui was speaking on January 27 in Honiara after the latest round of peace negotiations.

The talks, held at the Lincoln College in Christchurch, New Zealand, resulted in agreement for a "permanent cease-fire", the election of a Bougainville government and the phased withdrawal of PNG troops.

Unlike earlier rounds, the Lincoln talks involved top leaders. The PNG delegation was led by Prime Minister Bill Skate, the BIG contingent by Kabui and Bougainville Revolutionary Army commander Sam Kauona, and the pro-PNG Bougainville Transitional Government by Premier Gerard Sinato.

The prime ministers of the Solomon Islands and New Zealand, the foreign ministers from New Zealand and Australia and an observer for the United Nations secretary-general also attended. More than 230 delegates took part.

Prior to the meeting, Skate announced that Port Moresby would grant amnesty to exiled Bougainville rebels, allowing leaders such as Martin Miriori, who lives in the Netherlands, and Moses Havini, in Sydney, to return to Bougainville. PNG would also pardon those jailed for "crisis-related" acts.

PNG diplomatic posts would immediately issue PNG passports to Bougainvilleans. Skate also lifted bounties of K200,000 placed on the heads of senior BIG and BRA leaders, including Francis Ona, Kabui and Kauona, by the Wingti and Chan governments.

During the talks, Kabui and the BIG delegation held firmly to a series of goals, in particular that any agreement include a pledge that Bougainville's future political status remain on the agenda.

"Let there be no mistaking the intentions of all Bougainvilleans ... of seeking a solution based on the fundamental human right of self-determination", Kabui told the delegates.

Kabui pointed out that article 8 of the Burnham Declaration, signed last July, accepted the right of "the people of Bougainville, as a people, [to] freely and democratically exercise their right to determine their political future".

"The answer to our problems does not lie in the PNG constitution ... The violation of the Bougainvillean people's fundamental rights by instruments of the PNG constitution, and violation of the constitution itself by successive PNG governments throughout the conflict, means that the constitution can no longer be applied to us", he said.

Kabui, while supporting a cease-fire, pushed for the complete withdrawal of PNG troops within a specific time.

Another issue strongly argued was whether BRA weapons should be removed completely from the island. The PNG government side wanted the arms to be taken from Bougainville and destroyed. Kabui argued that the BRA was prepared only to "lay down arms" until the arrival of a "neutral" peacekeeping force.

Following what Kabui described as "frank, open and fair talks", the Lincoln agreement was signed on January 23. It was agreed that a "permanent and irrevocable" cease-fire will begin at midnight on April 30. The current truce, which has been in force since October, was extended.

The Truce Monitoring Group — made up of New Zealand and Australian soldiers, with a token contingent from other Pacific countries — will be maintained until the arrival of a UN-endorsed peacekeeping force. It believed this force will mostly comprise New Zealand troops.

One of the peacekeeping force's main tasks will be to fast-track the training of an all-Bougainvillean police force. A "phased withdrawal" of the 500 PNG troops will begin after a "free and democratic" election installs a "Bougainville Reconciliation Government". The election must take place before December 31.

The parties also agreed that another round of talks would take place before the end of June to address "the political issue" (diplomat-speak for the question of independence).

Kabui said on January 27 that the Lincoln talks were "highly successful" and that most of the rebels' demands had been met. He said that agreement paved the way for an act of self-determination. He added that the BIG-BRA would campaign for independence until a referendum decided the issue.

"What kind of ultimate political animal we have on Bougainville must be left to the people of Bougainville. It's not up to Australia, New Zealand or anybody else ...

"I would be comfortable with their decision in favour of independence or the highest form of autonomy. The rank and file of the rebels will accept the full verdict of the people. They will never accept a decision forced on them from the top down. They have lost too much and suffered too long for that. As long as there is a free and fair referendum, there will be no coercion of the people by the rebels. That's a guarantee."


Kabui said he believed that BIG President Francis Ona would now "work with the people on the ground" on the basis of this agreement. Ona expressed scepticism about the first round of talks in July because he felt the issue of independence had not been adequately addressed.

Ona's doubts deepened when Skate on August 28 stated, "Independence is non-negotiable". During the South Pacific Forum meeting in September, Australian PM John Howard also stated that Australian support for the peace process was contingent upon independence being off the agenda.

Ona also opposed the participation of 100 or so Australian troops in the 320-strong truce monitoring group.

Skate seems to have softened his stand. On January 13, he and PNG opposition leader Bernard Narakobi said they were willing to discuss "whatever issues may be important to each and every party" to bring peace to Bougainville. This has been interpreted as no longer ruling out autonomy or independence.

The statement added that "significant changes may require parliament to cooperate across party and other political lines".

On January 26, Skate issued an open letter to the people of Bougainville and PNG "to say sorry and ask forgiveness ... We acknowledge that the impact of the past nine years of conflict will continue to be faced by generations to come."

Skate's meek posture reflects PNG's weakness. A year ago, the Chan government, unable to defeat the BRA militarily, resorted to apartheid-linked mercenaries to overcome the rebels.

This triggered a rebellion within the PNG Defence Force, followed by an uprising by the people of Port Moresby. As a result, PNG could longer continue the war. The people's war-weariness and disgust at Chan's use of mercenaries led to his defeat at the polls.

Kabui said on January 27 that he believed Skate was "genuine and attuned to the problem" of Bougainville. "PNG is ready and willing to give Bougainville the highest possible autonomy", he explained. "Perhaps at the beginning of the crisis that would have been possible, but not today."

Sam Kauona voiced similar views. He said PNG should not fear Bougainville's independence because in the long run it would lead to stronger solidarity among Melanesian countries.

From GLW issue 305

Sourced from: Green Left (http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/18454)

Monday, 9 July 2012

We’re able to reveal the best PNG writing for 2012

KEITH JACKSON

 THE STORIES AND VERSE in the Crocodile Prize Anthology 2013, which is about to go to press, have been revealed by the organisers of Papua New Guinea’s national literary contest, an initiative of PNG Attitude and the PNG Post-Courier.
2012 Anthology cover

The Anthology will be launched on Tuesday 11 September as part of events associated with the announcement of the winners in the second Crocodile Prize.
There are seven categories of the Prize: for short stories, essays, poetry, women’s writing, heritage literature, student writing and ‘lifetime contribution to PNG literature’ – the last three introduced just this year.
Of the more than 400 entries submitted to the competition, 125 have been selected for publication in the Anthology.

Let’s take a closer look at them.

The 30 short stories chosen represent the work of 24 writers (six had two of their stories earmarked for publication).
Twenty-one writers contributed the 53 poems in the Anthology. Michael Dom was the most prolific with 15, while Hinuvi Onafima had five selected and Lapieh Landu and Loujaya Tony had four each.
Twelve essayists have had their work selected for publication – and there a number of multiple contributors in the final list of 17 essays.
We come now to the heritage writers, nine in all who contributed the ten stories that have been included in the Anthology
And finally the school students. Fifteen pieces of work from 12 writers are in the final compilation.

These are the bare statistics. We follow with the names of the authors who were successful in being PNG’s ‘best of the best’ for 2012, and the titles of the works they created for the Prize which have been included in Anthology 2012.

If you live in Australia and you want to order the Anthology ($20 + $4 p&p), email us here. Papua New Guinea and other sales arrangements will be notified later.


SHORT STORIES (30)
#Second By Alma Warokra
Adults By Jimmy Apiu
An Adventure with Potholes By Hogande Kiafuli
Angel By Regina Dorum
Binge with Mary Jane By Jimmy Apiu
Burnt By Gelab Piak
Dancing in a Redskin’s Arawa By Leonard Fong Roka
Diary of Phoenix By Peter Jokise
Dominoes of Love By Peter Severa
False Tears By Dominica Are
Father of the Man By Grace Maribu
Fire Truck By Biango Buia
God’s Blessing in Every Step of the Way By Elizabeth Wawaga
Happily Ever After By Alma Warokra
He Broke the Egg By Kela Kapkora Sil Bolkin
Love When Bought By Eric Gabriel
Missed by the Wielding Axes By Peter Maime
My Name is Sandy By Imelda Yabara
Nightmare By Ruth Kamasungua
Norah Jones By Nou Vada
Now I Can Die By Kela Kapkora Sil Bolkin
Oh, It’s the Songs They Sing By Jeffrey Mane Febi
The Bamboo Master By Bernard Sinai
The Dilemma By Bernard Sinai
The Fan By Charlotte Vada
The Finger By Dominica Are
The K50 House By Ian Dabasori Hetri
The Knocks By Brigette Wase
The Mountain By Brigette Wase
Third from the Fourth Marriage By Dilu D Okuk

POETRY (53)
A candlelight market in Port Moresby By Michael Dom
A Dog’s Philosophy By Anthony Kippel
A Journey Far Away By Marie-Rose Sau
A Journey to My Womb By Hinuvi Onafima
A Poet’s Chant By Hinuvi Onafima
A Poet’s Quest By Jeffrey Mane Febi
As I bask in her afterglow By Michael Dom
Beauty is in da water By Michael Dom
Christianity By Leonard Fong Roka
Circle of Tears By Agnes Are
Dance to the Beautiful Sea By Leonard Fong Roka
Dreams of a Place By Jeffrey Mane Febi
For You I Will … By Lapieh Landu
Haiku written about night time at a village along the Papua coast By Michael Dom
Hearing rain approach while reading in bed at night: Morobe Province By Michael Dom
I am sorry it has been so frustrating By Mary Koisen
i got sex on my mind – in the club! By Michael Dom
In Bed With Me #2 By Imelda Yabara
Johnny got wan nu muruk insait his banis By Michael Dom
Legal Joke  By David Gonol
Lucky Little Lizard By Michael Dom
Mama By Jimmy Drekore
Mama’s Bilum By Erick Kowa
Misconception By Lapieh Landu
Nervous Poet by Hinuvi Onafima
Old Sibuta By Hinuvi Onafima
Once Upon a Prime Time By Loujaya Toni
Paddle Me Back By Gelab Piak
Ples we mitupela I bin stap wantaim By Michael Dom
Return to Mambon Nil By Michael Dom
Road to Seclusion By Hinuvi Onafima
Seasonal Seducers By Jimmy Drekore
She Lied by Loujaya Toni
She’s a Mother – That’s How! By Lapieh Landu
So near, so far – a sonnet to transience By Michael Dom
Sonnet 1: Parallel Lanes to Nowhere By Michael Dom
Sonnet 3: I met a pig farmer the other day By Michael Dom
State of the Public Service By Michael Dom
Struggling between two cultures By Patricia Martin
The Bougainville Crisis By Sophie Garana
The Great Speech – A Bush Poet’s Commentary By Erick Kowa
The Magic of Kunu’nava By Leonard Fong Roka
The Making of Me By Emma Wakpi
This is My Place By Michael Dom
This Part of the World By Anita M Konga
Timeless Attitudes By Peter Severa
To Whom it May Concern By Loujaya Toni
Today another good man passed By Michael Dom
Trials of the Yellow Man By Erick Kowa
Trupla Man By Bernard Sinai
Twenty Two Women By Loujaya Toni
Way out of reach By Imelda Yabara
What Happened Back Then! By Lapieh Landu

ESSAYS (17)
A Tribute to My Fathers By Emma Wakpi
Are we ready 30 years on …? By Lapieh Landu
Delusion, Disillusionment and the Devil’s advocate – A bedtime story for Papua New Guineans who believe in change By Nou Vada
Does PNG really have an attitude problem? By Martyn Namorong
Get the balance right between social and economic realities that underlie the development of professional sport in PNG By David Kitchnoge
How to Break Free from the Vicious Cycle of dinau By Francis Nii
Is Sex Education Compatible in Primary Schools in PNG? By Werner Cohill
Let’s Not Mince Words About Buai Bisnis By Michael Dom
My Atoll, My Home By Raroteone Tefuarani
Nakan in Madang Town By Stanley Mark
Robust Force or Rogue Cops: The Future of the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary By Werner Cohill
Sir Koitaga Mano OBE and the House of Assembly By David Gonol
The Haunting by Emma Wakpi
Untighten Your Fist by Lorraine Basse
Wake Up PNG! By Francis Nii
What is Development? By Martyn Namorong
What’s Buai Got To Do With It? By Michael Dom

HERITAGE (10)
Barasi – The Manam Way of Celebrating a New Year By Lorraine Basse
How Yari Siwi Got Their Body Decoration by Henry Sape
Malah’s Initiation to Womanhood By Hilda Fromai Yerive
Migration and Mythology: The Way from Shortland to Kieta By Leonard Fong Roka
Modernisation of Tribal War: A Threat to Civilisation By Francis Nii
The Complex Rituals of Death in Kieta Society By Leonard Fong Roka
The Last of the Segera Tutubes By Miriam Roko
The Migration of Wanigela People of Central Province to Tufi in Oro Province By Golova Mari
The Story of Totoga Wai from Babaka Village By Beauty Rupa Loi
Traditions of the Bena Bena People of the Eastern Highlands By Anthony Kippel

STUDENTS (15)
Baia Village By Kayla Reimann
First Day at a New School By Sharina Paliou
Going Through the Unimaginable By Angeline Low
Great Man’s Tale By Jovie Hriehwazi
In the Memory By Jeremiah Toni
Man’s Best Friend By Macquin Anduwan
Peace on Earth By Kayla Reimann
Pink and Round By Brenda Anduwan
Sporty: A Dog’s Life By Clara Philomena Are
Sweet Sophie By Angeline Low
The Fight By Joshua Rere
We are Children of God By Pusateryanna Tandak
What Have We Come To? By Axel Rice
Where Have All The Children Gone? By Hannah Ilave
Wonderful Sphere By Vanessa Kavanamur